The historical development and legislative framework of, on the one hand, the area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ) and the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) on the other reflect essential components of a security-identity continuum in the EU. The author of this analysis argues that these components exist in the form of a specific attitude of the EU to the global scene, illustrated by the EU’s attempts to export its own values.
During the last decade there has been a considerable increase in European intelligence cooperation within the realm of foreign and security policy. This publication analyses the organisation and process of European intelligence cooperation and the effect that this cooperation is having on European foreign policy.
What distinguishes the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) from EU’s previous free trade agreements is that its focus is not so much on elimination of tariffs, but rather on reduction of regulatory barriers to trade. The system of regulatory cooperation, which the TTIP entails, is meant to achieve and sustain regulatory convergence between the parties, creating a “living agreement”, flexible to expand to new areas and adjustable to future regulatory developments.
Falling world prices of food and energy are the main explanatory factor behind disinflation in EU countries outside the euro zone, including Sweden. Disinflationary spillovers from the euro area is an important factor as well.
Liberal political theory, with its roots in the European enlightenment, has had profound impact on the classic-liberal criminal law movement all over Europe. The basic idea is that criminal law should be used to a minimum extent.
On the path towards the UK’s upcoming in-out referendum, the UK faces three dilemmas: first, they seek shallower integration at a time when their peers want to deepen it; second, the antagonism to deepening may obstruct what is considered to be necessary changes for the EU and the Eurozone to function effectively; and third, the UK’s demands may spur similar initiatives from other member states who are discontent with aspects of their membership. The author of this European Policy Analysis warns that too far-reaching demands may cause other members to conclude they are better off without the UK.
The European Union has no direct competence in the field of housing policy, at least not as it is conventionally defined. Housing issues have however become increasingly important across the Union, especially since the global financial crisis.
Due to the financial crises in several EU member states, the EU has constructed a scoreboard of economic indicators to be used as an early warning system; future financial crises must be revealed at an earlier stage. The new scoreboard follows a ‘one size fits all’ approach, but research shows that country specifics makes early warning systems more accurate if they allow for different thresholds.
The Lisbon Treaty clearly expresses that the EU should accede to the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR). Nonetheless, the Court of Justice ruled, quite unexpectedly, in December 2014, that the draft agreement on the accession is not compatible with EU law.
Differences between capital exporting and capital importing countries are decreasing, which may facilitate an agreement on international investment rules. This has been an aim of EU policy for some time.